In January 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a vast majority of US-made weapons after the fall of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's regime. These weapons required a steady supply of spare parts for maintenance.

In September 1980, Iraq invaded Iran, leading to a desperate need for weapons and spare parts for Iran's existing arsenal. This event further complicated the arms embargo imposed by the US.

On January 20, 1981, Ronald Reagan assumed the presidency and continued Jimmy Carter's policy of blocking arms sales to Iran due to concerns about Iran's support for terrorism.

On July 21, 1981, a secret study by senior Reagan administration officials concluded that the arms embargo on Iran was ineffective and recommended the US to start selling arms to Iran to prevent it from falling into the Soviet sphere of influence.

On December 1, 1981, President Reagan signed an order allowing the CIA to provide arms, equipment, and funding to the Contras in Nicaragua. This marked a shift in U.S. foreign policy towards Central America, emphasizing covert activities to pressure regimes.

In June 1982, President Reagan introduced the Reagan Doctrine, which aimed at supporting democratization globally. This doctrine led to a change in the covert operations in Nicaragua, shifting focus towards supporting a change in government.

In January 1983, the National Security Decisions Directive was implemented to promote the foreign policy changes of the Reagan administration. This directive aimed to influence public and congressional opinion through propaganda and media initiatives.

In the second half of 1983, the CIA assisted the Contras in conducting air strikes on Sandino airport near Managua, Nicaragua, along with other targets. The CIA used its own resources to carry out covert actions, including destroying fuel tanks.

On January 7, 1984, the CIA placed mines in Nicaraguan harbors, damaging several ships. Initially, the Contras claimed responsibility for the mining, but it was later revealed by The Wall Street Journal that the CIA was behind it.

On February 29, 1984, the CIA placed mines in Nicaraguan harbors, causing damage to multiple ships. The Wall Street Journal later exposed that the mines were actually planted by the CIA.

In response to the ineffectiveness of Boland I, Congress passed the second Boland Amendment on October 12, 1984. This amendment aimed to halt the flow of funds to Nicaragua by restricting the use of funds by intelligence agencies for military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua.

On May 3, 1985, Michael Ledeen visited Israel for a second time and met with Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres to discuss Iran and weapon transfers. He also engaged with Shlomo Gazit, the former head of Israeli military intelligence, agreeing on the benefits of establishing communication channels with Iran.

On May 17, 1985, the Central Intelligence Agency issued a report discussing the potential for strategic engagement with Iran, including the sale of arms and the lifting of the embargo on the country.

On June 17, 1985, National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane issued a directive calling for a rapprochement with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The directive highlighted the political evolution in Iran and the potential for major changes.

David Kimche, director-general of the Israeli foreign ministry, informed McFarlane in Washington D.C. that Iranian officials were interested in starting a political dialogue with the United States. Kimche believed this dialogue could lead to the release of American hostages held by Hezbollah in Lebanon.

McFarlane discussed Kimche's ideas with President Reagan, who signaled to proceed with the talks. This marked a significant step in the potential dialogue between the United States and Iran.

Kimche proposed the sale of 500 TOW antitank missiles to Iran as a means to facilitate the release of American hostages. President Reagan approved the shipment of arms by Israel to Iran, indicating a shift in policy.

Israel sent 96 TOW antitank missiles to Iran through an arms dealer, resulting in the release of one American hostage by Islamic Jihad in Lebanon. This event highlighted the interconnected nature of arms sales and hostage situations.

On September 14, 1985, 408 more TOW missiles were delivered to Iran, following the initial arms sales earlier in the year.

American hostage Benjamin Weir was released after 408 more TOWs were shipped to Iran. Any profits from the deal went to Ghorbanifar, Schwimmer or Nimrodi.

On November 18th, 1985, Oliver North met with Israeli Defense Minister Rabin in New York to discuss the operational logistics of shipping 'oil drilling equipment' to Iran. This meeting was crucial in the Iran-Contra Affair.

During a press conference on November 19th, President Reagan made contradictory statements regarding the shipment of arms to Iran, leading to public scrutiny of his credibility and involvement in the Iran-Contra affair.

On November 21st, Oliver North engaged in a 'shredding party' where potentially incriminating documents related to the Iran-Contra affair were destroyed with the help of his secretary Fawn Hall, in anticipation of the Justice Department's actions.

On November 22nd, 1985, 120 Hawk missiles were scheduled to be shipped from Israel to Portugal on an Israeli 747. The weapons would then be unloaded, stored, and reloaded on a non-Israeli plane for shipment to Iran in two intervals.

On November 24, 1985, 18 Hawk antiaircraft missiles were delivered to Iran as part of the arms sales transactions.

Oliver North, a military aide to the United States National Security Council (NSC), suggested a revised strategy for selling arms to Iran. The plan involved selling arms directly to Iran instead of through Israel, with a portion of the proceeds going to the Contras in Nicaragua.

Oliver North informed officials in the Israeli defense ministry that future profits from the arms sales to Iran would be used to support the Contras in Nicaragua.

On December 7, 1985, a new plan was introduced where arms transactions were modified to involve 'moderate' Iranian army leaders instead of the 'moderate' Iranian group, leading to further complications in the Iran-Contra affair.

McFarlane accompanied Oliver North to London for a meeting with arms dealers including Manucher Ghorbanifar, Kimche, and Yaacov Nimrod to discuss the arms sales operation.

Paul S. Cutter and another individual were found guilty of trying to sell arms to Iran, as part of the broader context of arms sales during that period.

John Poindexter suggested to President Reagan a change in the plan to negotiate with 'moderate' members of the Iranian government instead of a political group. This was based on Ghorbanifar's connections within the Iranian government, aiming for the release of hostages.

President Reagan signed a Presidential Finding on January 17, 1986, which authorized direct U.S. arms sales to Iran. This decision was made after facing difficulties with previous arms shipments and exchanges with Iran.

On this date, 500 TOW missiles were delivered as part of the arms sales to Iran, marking a significant transaction in the covert operation.

Indictments were issued in the Brokers of Death arms case related to arms sales to Iran, with Cyrus Hashemi playing a crucial role as a US Customs informant.

On this day, a significant shipment of 508 TOW missiles and 240 Hawk spare parts was delivered as part of the arms sales operation to Iran.

The US delegation, led by McFarlane, arrived in Tehran for a secret meeting but only met with lower-level officials. McFarlane's refusal to ship spare parts for Hawk missiles until US hostages were released led to the mission's failure.

Hezbollah freed Father Lawrence Jenco, prompting William J. Casey to request sending missile parts to Iran. This event influenced Reagan's decision to switch to a sequential policy of freeing hostages.

Israeli counterterrorism expert Amiram Nir briefed Vice President George H. W. Bush in Jerusalem about the weapon sales to Iran.

Nir provided updated details of the arms for hostage deal being negotiated by Israel and Iran to Vice President Bush and his chief of staff Craig L. Fuller in Israel.

On October 5, 1986, the air supply operations for the Contras came to an end when an aircraft was shot down by the Sandinistas, leading to the exposure of the operation.

On October 28, 1986, Albert Hakim, acting as a 'U.S. representative,' initiated the implementation of the nine-point plan by sending the first shipment of arms to Iran.

On November 3, 1986, two Lebanese newspapers were the first to reveal the Iran arms deal scandal, leading to the unraveling of the entire controversy in the United States.

Vice President George H.W. Bush acknowledges in his diary that he knows the details of the Iran weapons operation, despite publicly claiming he had no operational role.

On November 13, 1986, President Ronald Reagan addressed the nation regarding the Iran arms deal and Contra aid controversy, revealing the involvement with the Iranian government.

On November 19, 1986, President Ronald Reagan held a press conference where he admitted to working with a 'particular group' in relation to the Iran arms deal and Contra aid controversy.

Admiral John Poindexter admitted during his testimony to destroying President Reagan's signed finding that sent arms to Iran on November 21, 1986, in order to avoid political embarrassment.

President Reagan publicly acknowledged the diversion scheme of the arms deal to the public during a press conference. Attorney General Meese addressed questions and stated that the affair did not involve anyone higher than Admiral Poindexter.

On November 26, 1986, President Reagan appointed former US. Senator John Tower and others to a special review board known as the Tower Commission. The purpose of the commission was to evaluate the operation of the National Security Council and the role of the NSC staff.

On December 2, 1986, President Reagan appeared before the Tower Commission to address questions about his involvement in the Iran–Contra affair. He initially admitted to authorizing arms deals but later claimed to have no recollection. The commission's report criticized Reagan for lack of supervision over his subordinates.

Lawrence Walsh is appointed as the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters by the Special Division of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.

The Tower Commission Report, released on February 26, 1987, confirmed the NSC's arms-for-hostages policy and criticized the Reagan administration's management style in the Iran-Contra Affair.

Reagan expressed regret and took responsibility for the Iran-Contra scandal in a nationally televised address, admitting to incorrect statements and taking full responsibility for the actions of his administration.

The joint hearings of the House Select Committee and the Senate Select Committee, known as the Iran-Contra hearings, commenced on March 5, 1987, lasting for 41 days.

Rep. Henry B. Gonzalez introduces articles of impeachment against President Reagan, leading to joint hearings dominating the summer.

A report detailing the difficulties faced by the joint-committee hearings was presented to Congress on April 28, 1987.

Congressional Hearings on the Iran-Contra Affair commence on 5 May 1987.

William Casey, then-Director of the CIA, passed away on May 6, 1987, the day after Congress initiated public hearings on the Iran–Contra affair. Casey's wife mentioned that he was unable to communicate due to a stroke during his hospitalization.

Oliver North, adorned in his military uniform, began his immunized testimony before the joint-congressional committee on July 7th, 1987. He promised to tell the truth, including 'the good, the bad, and the ugly'. Despite being seen as a hero by some and a victim by others, North's favorability rating rose to 67% after his testimony.

Oliver North's immunized testimony before the joint-congressional committee lasted until July 14th, 1987. Adorned in his military uniform, North promised to reveal the truth, which led to a rise in his favorability rating to 67% after the testimony.

John Poindexter provided immunized testimony following Oliver North's testimony in July 1987. The testimony lasted from July 15-17 to July 20-21, 1987.

An article from The Washington Post on July 23, 1987, reports that pardons related to the Iran-Contra scandal were favored by the public, indicating a perceived lack of significant concern about the affair.

Congressional Hearings on the Iran-Contra Affair conclude on 6 August 1987.

A survey on public opinion conducted on August 7, 1987, regarding the Iran-Contra Affair.

The Congressional Committees Investigating The Iran-Contra Affair publish their report on 18 November 1987.

In January 1988, during a live interview with Bush on CBS Evening News, he was questioned about his involvement in the scandal. Bush explained that his 'out of the loop' comment meant he had no operational role in the affair.

Charges in the Brokers of Death arms case are dropped in January 1989.

Richard V. Secord, former Air Force major general involved in arms transfers to Iran and diversion of funds to Contras, pleaded guilty in November 1989 to making false statements to Congress and was sentenced to two years of probation.

The book 'A Very Thin Line: the Iran-Contra Affairs' was published in 1991 by Theodore Draper, providing an in-depth look at the Iran-Contra scandal.

Caspar Weinberger, Secretary of Defense, was indicted on two counts of perjury and one count of obstruction of justice.

On December 24, 1992, after losing the reelection, President George H. W. Bush pardoned several officials involved in the Iran-Contra affair. This move was controversial and seen as an attempt to prevent further implications.

The final report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, Lawrence Walsh, was published on August 4, 1993, detailing the findings of the investigation into the Iran-Contra scandal.

President Reagan announced his diagnosis of Alzheimer's disease in 1994, just five years after leaving office. Speculation arose about the impact of his declining health on his handling of the Iran-Contra situation.

In his 1995 memoir, General Colin Powell criticized the weapons sales to Iran, stating they were used for purposes prohibited by the American people's elected representatives.

The book 'Reagan and the Iran-Contra Affair: the Politics of Presidential Recovery' by Robert Busby discusses the political implications and aftermath of the Iran-Contra scandal during Reagan's presidency.

The book 'Becoming Enemies: U.S-Iran Relations During the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988' by James Blight, Janet Lang, Hussein Banai, Malcolm Byrne, and John Tirman, published in 2012, explores the complex relationship between the United States and Iran amidst the backdrop of the Iran-Iraq War.

The book 'Iran-Contra: Reagan’s Scandal and the Unchecked Abuse of Presidential Power' by Malcolm Byrne, published in 2014, delves into the scandal involving the Reagan administration's covert arms sales to Iran and the diversion of proceeds to fund the Contras in Nicaragua.